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Important News, Belangrijke nieuws, Nouvelles importantes, Wichtige News, Fontos hírek, Importanti novitŕ, Pomembne novice, Importante Notícias, Viktiga nyheter



Ing. Salih CAVKIC
Editor
by ORBUS.ONE
info@orbus.one
www.orbus.one


 
No more Paris nor Brussels!
Stop terrorism!
We want to live in peace with all our neighbors.
  regardless of their religion, color and origin.
Therefore, we condemn any kind of terrorism!

*****
Ne više Pariz ni Brisel!
Stop terorizam!
Mi želimo živjeti u miru sa svim našim komšijama,
bez obzira koje su vjere, boje kože i porijekla.
Zato mi osuđujemo svaku vrstu terorizma!


Belang van Limburg
De Morgen
De Standard
Het Laatste Nieuws
La Libre Belgique
Nieuwsblaad

VRT
VRT Nieuws

N-TV.DE
Deutsche Welle
West-D. Zeitung




The man of the year 2009
Guy Verhofstadt
Mr. Guy Verhofstadt

The man of the year
L'homme de l'ane
De man van het jaar
2009


A proven Democrat, protector and fighter for justice and human rights in the World.

Een bewezen Democraat, beschermer en strijder voor rechtvaardigheid en mensenrechten in de Wereld.

Un prouvé démocrate, protecteur et combattant pour la justice et des droits de l'homme dans le Mond.

Eine bewährte Demokrat, Beschützer und Kämpfer für Gerechtigkeit und Menschenrechte in der Welt.

Dokazani demokrat,
 zaštitnik i borac za pravdu i ljudska prava u Svijetu.





Maasmechelen Village
Belgium



The man of the year 2012


Mr. Barak Hossein Obama

The man of the year
L'homme de l'an
De man van het jaar
2012


Guarantee
peace in the world

Garantie
vrede in de wereld

Garantie
la paix dans le monde

Garantie des Friedens in der Welt

Zabezpečenie
mieru vo svete

Garancija
mira u svijetu





Prof. dr. Murray Hunter
University Malaysia Perlis




Eva MAURINA
20 Years to Trade Economic Independence for Political Sovereignty - Eva MAURINA




Aleš Debeljak +
In Defense of Cross-Fertilization: Europe and Its Identity Contradictions - Aleš Debeljak

ALEŠ DEBELJAK - ABECEDA DJETINJSTVA

ALEŠ DEBEJAK - INTERVJU; PROSVJEDI, POEZIJA, DRŽAVA




Rattana Lao
Rattana Lao holds a doctorate in Comparative and International Education from Teachers College, Columbia University and is currently teaching in Bangkok.




Bakhtyar Aljaf
Director of Middle-East and Balkan Studies (IFIMES) in Ljubljana, Slovenia




Rakesh Krishnan Simha
Géométrie variable of a love triangle – India, Russia and the US





Amna Whiston
Amna Whiston is a London-based writer specialising in moral philosophy. As a PhD candidate at Reading University, UK, her main research interests are in ethics, rationality, and moral psychology.





Eirini Patsea 
Eirini Patsea is a Guest Editor in Modern Diplomacy, and specialist in Cultural Diplomacy and Faith-based Mediation
.




Belmir Selimovic
Can we trust the government to do the right thing, are they really care about essential things such as environmental conditions and education in our life?





Dubravko Lovrenović +
Univ. prof. Dubravko Lovrenović is one of the leading European Medievalist specialized in the Balkans, pre-modern and modern political history.





Manal Saadi
Postgraduate researcher in International Relations and Diplomacy at the Geneva-based UMEF University




doc.dr.Jasna Cosabic
professor of IT law and EU law at Banja Luka College,
Bosnia and Herzegovina




Aleksandra Krstic
Studied in Belgrade (Political Science) and in Moscow (Plekhanov’s IBS). Currently, a post-doctoral researcher at the Kent University in Brussels (Intl. Relations). Specialist for the MENA-Balkans frozen and controlled conflicts.

Contact: alex-alex@gmail.com






Dr. Swaleha Sindhi is Assistant Professor in the Department of Educational Administration, the Maharaja Sayajirao University of Baroda, India. Decorated educational practitioner Dr. Sindhi is a frequent columnist on related topics, too. She is the Vice President of Indian Ocean Comparative Education Society (IOCES). Contact: swalehasindhi@gmail.com




Barçın Yinanç
 It is an Ankara-based journalist and notable author. She is engaged with the leading Turkish dailies and weeklies for nearly three decades as a columnist, intervieweer and editor. Her words are prolifically published and quoted in Turkish, French an English.




 By İLNUR ÇEVIK
Modified from the original: They killed 1 Saddam and created 1,000 others (Daily Sabah)




Aine O’Mahony
Aine O'Mahony has a bachelor in Law and Political Science at the Catholic Institute of Paris and is currently a master's student of Leiden University in the International Studies programme.Contact: aine-claire.nini@hotmail.fr




Elodie Pichon

  Elodie Pichon has a  bachelor in Law and Political Science at the Catholic Institute of Paris and is currently doing a MA in Geopolitics, territory and Security at King's College London. Contact : elodie.pichon@gmail.com




Qi Lin

Qi Lin, a MA candidate of the George Washington University, Elliott School of International Affairs. Her research focus is on cross-Pacific security and Asian studies, particularly on the Sino-U.S. relations and on the foreign policy and politics of these two.




ALESSANDRO CIPRI
Born in Chile and raised in Rome, Alessandro Cipri has just finished his postgraduate studies at the department of War Studies of King's College London, graduating with distinction from the Master's Degree in "Intelligence and International Security". Having served in the Italian Army's "Alpini" mountain troops, he has a keen interest in national security, military strategy, insurgency theory, and terrorism studies. His Master's dissertation was on the impact of drug trafficking on the evolution of the Colombian FARC.




Ms. Lingbo ZHAO
is a candidate of the Hong Kong Baptist University, Department of Government and International Studies. Her research interest includes Sino-world, Asia and cross-Pacific.

Contact: harryzhaolin@gmail.com

 


Hannes Grassegger
Hannes Grassegger and Mikael Krogerus are investigative journalists attached to the Swiss-based Das Magazin specialized journal.

 

Mikael Krogerus

Hannes Grassegger and Mikael Krogerus are investigative journalists attached to the Swiss-based Das Magazin specialized journal.

 


Michal Kosinski

Scientific analysis

 


Elodie Pichon,
Ms. Elodie Pichon, Research Fellow of the IFIMES Institute, DeSSA Department. This native Parisian is a Master in Geopolitics, Territory and Security from the King’s College, London, UK.





Djoeke Altena



Muhamed Sacirbey
Muhamed Sacirbey

Ambassador Muhamed Sacirbey currently lectures on Digital-Diplomacy. "Mo" has benefited from a diverse career in investment banking & diplomacy, but his passion has been the new avenues of communication. He was Bosnia & Herzegovina's first Ambassador to the United Nations, Agent to the International Court of Justice, Foreign Minister & Signatory of the Rome Statute establishing the International Criminal Court. He also played American football opting for a scholarship to Tulane University in New Orleans after being admitted to Harvard, oh well!!




Amanda Janoo

Amanda Janoo is an Alternative Economic Policy Adviser to governments and development organizations. Graduate from Cambridge University with an MPhil in Development Studies, Amanda worked at the United Nations Industrial Development Organization (UNIDO) supporting government's with evidence-based industrial policy design for inclusive and sustainable growth. Her research focus is on the relationship between international trade and employment generation. She has worked throughout Asia and Sub-Saharan Africa promoting greater economic self-determination and empowerment.




Michael dr. Logies,

Germany











INDEX 2017

INDEX 2016


English
Important News


Dutch - Nederlands
Belangrijke nieuws


French - Français
Nouvelles importantes


German - Deutsch
Wichtige News


Bosnian-Bosanski
Važne vijesti






 



Revisiting Dictatorship: Democracy is Worst Form of Government, Indeed

By Endy Bayuni

 

Democracy is both: the procedure and the content. It is a periodically revisited, fine-calibrated social contract that ties all horizontal and vertical segments of society. Although sometimes slow, tedious and consuming, this is still a truly comprehensive, just and sustainable way to build on its past, live the presence and pursuit the future of a nation.” Following the known lines of professor Anis H. Bajrektarevic on ties that bind, hereby is the fresh take from one of the largest democracies of the world – that of Republic of Indonesia.

The late Soeharto has become something of a poster boy for leadership as the nation searches for a president who can effectively deliver the goods.

Photos of the smiling president, who ruled Indonesia between 1966-1998, appear everywhere, with the caption in Javanese “piye kabare, isih penak jamanku, tho?” (How are you, better in my era, wasn’t it?), a reminder that for some, life was so much better then. The Soeharto posters and memes have been going viral since the 2014 election and are still circulating now.

Soeharto was a dictator, there is no doubt about it, though his supporters would claim that he was a noble one. But the point of the poster is that Indonesia had a leader who delivered the goods, something that no other president since then has been able to match, so his supporters claim.

Soeharto, who ruled with an iron fist, did deliver justice, security and welfare, but it is debatable whether his successors have fared better or worse. Ruling the country for 32 years, he was bound to have delivered something, while his successors have been subject to periodic democratic elections and limited to ruling for no more than two five-year terms.

The bigger question, and this was one of the topics discussed at the recent Bali Civil Society and Media Forum, is whether democracy can deliver justice, security and welfare to the people, all the people.

Indonesia, now a democracy for nearly 20 years, albeit a struggling one, makes a good case study to answer this question, by comparing the ability of the two political systems in bringing greater prosperity to the people.

The track record of Indonesia since 1998 has not been bad, although perhaps underappreciated.

The economy has improved significantly, in terms of overall GDP and per-capita-income growth, and the government today provides many services such as free health care, 12-year compulsory free education and cash assistance for the poor. Indonesia is today the 16th-largest economy in the world, and many predict that it will be in the top 10 by 2025 and top five by 2040.

We have a growing middle class, reflected by the number cellphones, cars and motorcycles, and a growing appetite for holidays, both at home or abroad.

And there is freedom, all kinds of freedom, something that distinguishes today’s era from that of Soeharto’s. Why then, do some people still feel that they miss Soeharto?

Perhaps they don’t really miss him, but they miss the certainty, the swift way decisions were made and the security he provided. They miss the effectiveness and efficiency that an authoritarian regime can deliver.

Democracy, unfortunately, is almost anything but.

Decisions are made through an arduous and cumbersome process, and the government is often mired in stagnation. Every single major decision has to undergo the democratic processes, meaning noisy public debates and endless deliberation by legislators.

We also have legislators who are good at grandstanding but ineffective in producing laws that reflect the aspirations of the people. In many ways, Soeharto’s regime produced some better laws because they did not go through the lengthy debates we see today.

On security, Indonesia faces challenges in ensuring protection for people who are attacked or persecuted because of their faith, race, sexual orientation or even ideological leanings.

The attacks on the Shia and Ahmadiyya followers, the forced closures of places of worship, the recent attacks against people because of their leftist ideological leanings, and the return of anti-Chinese sentiments, reflect that freedom and the protection of freedom have been denied to some.

Soeharto would not have tolerated any of this, but then, he would not have tolerated a lot of other things, including dissent and differences of opinion.

Populism, the hallmark of democracy and one way of getting elected, also means leaders addressing only popular issues but avoiding more fundamental problems.

These failings of democracy in Indonesia may have revived our memory of the “good old days” of Soeharto (while forgetting the worse aspects of his regime), but they should not be used as a pretext for a return to authoritarianism.

Democracy in Indonesia is still a work in progress. We have been in this game for only 20 years, and it still has not been able to ensure justice, security and welfare for all.

Democracy, as the popular saying goes, is the worst form of government, except for all the others. The alternative, an authoritarian regime, may be swift and efficient. But if authoritarianism comes at the cost of our freedom, an absence of checks and balances and endemic corruption, then yes, give us democracy any time.

We just have to work harder, through the democratic process, to fix these problems. We have to have faith in democracy.


By Endy Bayuni


The writer, editor-in-chief of The Jakarta Post, took part in the Bali Civil Society and Media Forum, organized by the Institute for Peace and Democracy and the Press Council, on Dec.5-6.



DECEMBER 12, 2017



National Congress of The Republic of Bosnia-Herzegovina
ONLINE NEWSLETTER International, No. 959
December 3, 2017

Miscarriage of Justice at the ICTY: Bosnians consider guilty genocide verdict for Mladić incomplete

 

1. Miscarriage of Justice at the ICTY: Bosnians consider guilty genocide verdict for Mladić incomplete
1.1 The definition of the genocide is clear, simple and well intended
1.2 Genocide is very well documented in the Mladić judgment
1.3 The court setting its own definition of the genocide
1.4 The consequences of the new definition of genocide
2. Skraćeni opis metodologije suda i konzekvence takve metodologije kojom se praktično mijenja defincija genocida
3. Success of the book "The War in Bosnia: How to Succeed at Genocide"
5. Veliki uspjeh knjige “The War in Bosnia: How to Succeed at Genocide”

 


The Flag of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina with lilies on East River


This issue of the newsletter goes on 2,989 e-mail addresses on our "International" mailing list and on 63,731 addresses in our "Bosnian" mailing list.
If you do not want to receive this Online Newsletter just reply with "UNSUBSCRIBE" in the subject line.



1. Miscarriage of Justice at the ICTY: Bosnians consider guilty genocide verdict for Mladić incomplete

By Tarik Borogovac, Bosnian Congress USA

1.1 The definition of the genocide is clear, simple and well intended

In Bosnia and Herzegovina the Mladić decision, as the previous decisions at the International Criminal Tribunal for former Yugoslavia (ICTY), is seen as incomplete and a major miscarriage of justice. That may sound odd: Mladić was proclaimed guilty of genocide carried out by the army that he commanded, and he was sentenced to life in prison. How can it be miscarriage of justice? Two reasons:

First, Mladić's mission to establish an ethnically clean "Republic of the Serbs" (RS) is alive and well. The establishment of the RS was the successful main goal of the Joint criminal enterprise, (JCE). Today it is both a symbol of genocide while also continuing its humiliation of the victims through governing their hometowns, setting school curricula that denies students' identity and history, flying its flag on sacred ground of Srebrenica and other massacred Bosnian towns. While the RS exists, the ICTY trials of a few ring-leaders and ideologues is fake justice because the punishment is their own, and it exempts and protects the RS government that committed these acts.

The second reason, on which we will spend the rest of this column, is the verdict regarding Claim (I) of the indictment, relating to six towns other than Srebrenica. The decision (and previous ones on Bosnia specifically) uses very odd twists of logic in a strange effort to find reasons why these towns might be different from Srebrenica. And their logic does not stand up to basic scrutiny because there is no fundamental difference. It completely weakens the definition of genocide, to an extent that many future genocides will not be punished as such.

Let us remind ourselves how genocide is defined (from the convention on genocide -- http://preventgenocide.org/law/convention/text.htm) 

Article II: In the present Convention, genocide means any of the following acts committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious group, as such:

(a) Killing members of the group;
(b) Causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group;
(c) Deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part;
(d) Imposing measures intended to prevent births within the group;
(e) Forcibly transferring children of the group to another group.

Note this definition clearly is meant to prevent hairsplitting about what is genocide. The word "intent" is used to make clear that you do not have to be very successful in carrying it out to make it genocide, and "in part" means that you do not have to even desire to kill every single group member, as killing some of them for mere reason of being members of the group is genocide. Even non-murderous acts qualify -- e.g. part (d) makes clear that forcing sterilization or abortions of folks for the reason of being members of the group qualifies. There is also no mention of victims being very special or emblematic members of the targeted group -- it is genocide even with (especially with) regular people because the motive is merely based on the ethnic, religious, or racial membership of the victim.

1.2 The genocide is pretty well documented in the judgment

Everyone should read the decision or at least any random part of it, as it is very long. Everyone, from schoolchildren to genocide deniers should read it for the power of the evidence. In page after page, for thousands of pages, it shows us what genocide looks like when carried out. Dispassionately, just stating the facts, it documents statements by the JCE leaders, including Mladić, that threaten to exterminate Bosniaks. It documents killings and brutal violence against large numbers of Bosniak civilians -- giving times and locations of the acts, names of victims and their killers, the methods used to commit the murders. It is not exhaustive, it does not include every killing in every town, as that would not be feasible to do. But there are very many examples from different towns -- more than enough to show the pattern.

Just as a sampling of this, let us review a chilling section of summaries of mass murder (omitting mass rapes, beatings detentions, etc.) of Bosniaks carried out by people identified as Serbian military and paramilitary members, motivated by ethnicity.

Foca: 46 Bosnian Muslims as well as hundreds of predominantly Bosnian-Muslim detainees at KP Dom Foca (prison) were killed
Kljuc: at least 266 Bosnian Muslims were killed and that those killings constituted murder.
Kotor Varoš: at least 185 Bosnian Muslims were killed and that those killings constituted murder.
Prijedor: at least 993 Bosnian Muslims as well as at least 536 Bosnian Muslims or Bosnian Croats were killed and that those killings constituted murder.
Sanski Most: at least 94 Bosnian Muslims and 9 Bosnian Croats were killed and that those killings constituted murder.
Vlasenica: at least 169 Bosnian Muslims were killed and that those killings constituted murder.

A technical note: ICTY refers to Bosniaks as "Bosnian Muslims" because Yugoslavia officially used the name "Muslims by Nationality" to deny their Bosniak identity. Bosniaks were called Turks by Serb nationalist leadership, inciting Serb people toward historic score-settling.

Notice the words "at least" attached to the figures above. These figures represent only the confirmed victims known to be tied to specific physical perpetrators as part of the specific massacres, just as we know there were many, many more dead in these areas. For example, estimates of numbers murdered in Prijedor during the war, a town taken over without resistance early in the war, are more than double what is listed above. Note also, that these are not all of the towns where such ethnically based mass murders occurred. For example, Visegrad, Zvornik, Bijeljina, Brcko, etc. are well known sites of such massacres that fit this pattern but were excluded from Claim 1 by the
prosecution, for all kinds of technical or practical reasons. Srebrenica was included, but kept as a separate charge of genocide with a "guilty" verdict.

1.3 The court sets their own definition of the genocide

 Clearly, after seeing just these massacres that are included, for which it is shown in the judgment that the physical perpetrators were uniformed members of Serb forces and of organized Serb paramilitaries operating in view and in cooperation with Serb forces, and establishing that those perpetrators were motivated by the ethnicity of the victims, the ICTY still declines to call it genocide for these towns. That is baffling. The text of the decision for Claim 1 gives the reason, quote from the judgement:

...the Trial Chamber finds that the Bosnian Muslims in Sanski Most, Vlasenica, Foca, Kotor Varoš, and Prijedor Municipalities were targeted by the physical perpetrators of prohibited acts largely in their own respective municipalities. The Trial Chamber notes that the physical perpetrators had limited geographical control or authority to carry out activities. The Bosnian Muslims targeted in each individual municipality formed a relatively small part of the Bosnian-Muslim population in the Bosnian-Serb claimed territory or in Bosnia-Herzegovina as a whole. The Trial Chamber received insufficient evidence in dictating why the Bosnian Muslims in each of the above municipalities or the municipalities themselves had a special significance or were emblematic in relation to the protected group as a whole. The Trial Chamber is, therefore, not satisfied, beyond reasonable doubt, that the only reasonable inference that can be drawn from the surrounding facts and circumstances is that the physical perpetrators possessed the intent to destroy the Bosnian Muslims in Sanski Most, Foca, Kotor Varoš, Prijedor, and Vlasenica Municipalities as a substantial part of the protected group. In conclusion, the Trial Chamber does not find, beyond reasonable doubt, that the physical perpetrators of prohibited acts against the Bosnian Muslims and Bosnian Croats in the Count 1 municipalities committed those prohibited acts, with the intent to destroy the Bosnian Muslims and Bosnian Croats as a substantial part of the protected groups in Bosnian-Herzegovina.
- the end of the quote


Therefore, the following illogical tests are imposed:

(A) Do the physical perpetrators stay in one town or go to other towns? That is possibly a practical decision on the part of the Serb military leadership. If you intend to commit genocide, and your victims are many and live over a large territory, you have to divide and delegate the task anyway. So, you may decide to keep groups of killers in smaller locations, preferably locals who know who is a member of the group you are targeting (in Bosnia, ethnicity is not apparent from seeing or speaking with someone). As for the physical perpetrators themselves, even if their intent is to kill all Bosniaks everywhere, they would not be tempted to leave their town at all, as long as they believe that other perpetrators will massacre those other towns. Given that the killing was so widespread, that would be a logical assumption for them. Beyond that, the fact that so many different groups of low-level butchers went on similar rampage in so many different locations makes it implausible that they were not either encouraged, incited or ordered by their higher level leadership. Else, how do they all get the same ideas and work in similar ways independently? And why did they all conclude they can carry out these acts with impunity? Apparently they could because they were not stopped or punished by the RS leadership, as the massacres lasted over long periods of time in those towns and recurred in other towns all throughout the war. Going forward, does this not provide a recipe of how to do genocide properly: just keep your low-level killers in smaller groups, and assign to each a single location to terrorize. In that way the practical organizational strategy has the benefit of protecting you legally.

(B) Are the people murdered (rather than intended) within each town ofspecial significance (or emblematic) of Bosniaks? This rule was established only in the case of Bosnia, to separate Srebrenica from other towns. In the eyes of the perpetrators the victims in Srebrenica were the same people as the victims in Prijedor and other towns, and killed for the same reason -- they were Bosniaks ("Turks"). That was their significance. Denoting Srebrenicans as especially significant or emblematic beyond others is circular logic, as they only became emblematic of the Bosniak plight because their fate and genocide was so visible, as they were in a UN safe-zone and had been under siege
for a long time, and because their massacre was expected and anticipated, due to the earlier massacres in the other towns. The victims in the other towns are not special because they were first, they were taken from their homes in the middle of the night, and their fates were not known until sometime after the fact.

One can define significance in better ways than the ICTY did. Many of the Bosniaks targeted first in many towns occupied by Serb forces were prominent in their communities for being political leaders, intellectuals, religious clerics (Imams), businessmen, lawyers and teachers. This was decapitation of Bosniak communities in those towns, and in all of Bosnia. For example, Serb forces executed Deputy Prime Minister Hakija Turajlic at a checkpoint outside of Sarajevo when he was in a UN vehicle. Such people are most emblematic of an ethnic group. The particular fake contrast chosen makes it seem the court is desperately searching for any argument to separate Srebrenica from other massacres.

(C) Are the people actually murdered (rather than intended) within each town a large enough part of the protected group within that town? Clearly, the numbers listed above are large, but the ICTY simply chooses to set a threshold (an arbitrary and unclear one) at some higher number. Recall, the definition of genocide implies there is no such threshold by using the words "in part" and "intent". With this threshold, the ICTY is also setting an implicit guideline for carrying out genocide in the future: they should murder about 1500 in each town the size of Prijedor and make sure they do not get near 8000 in a town the size of Srebrenica.

(D) Are the people actually murdered (rather than intended) a significant part or the protected group in the occupied territory and the country as a whole? That is absurd, because it gives credit to the perpetrators for inability to exterminate people who were simply out of their reach. It gives them credit for those (majority) of Bosniaks from these towns who did not wait around to be rounded up and slaughtered, the ones who took a look at what was happening and decided to escape. Countless Bosniak refugees managed to escape from these territories and ended up in free territories and in other countries during the war. It gives the perpetrators credit even for the large majority of Bosnia's 2 million Bosniaks who had lived in the territories that the Serb forces never managed to occupy -- such as Tuzla, Sarajevo, Bihac, Zenica, etc. The artificial segmentation to individual towns and massacres also simply makes it impossible to mathematically ever meet test (D). To guarantee that no piece is sufficient by itself, all you have to do is to segment to small enough pieces.


1.4 The consequences of the new definition of genocide

In total, the ICTY managed to avoid making the obvious conclusion that all of occupied Bosnia was subject to genocide by making a series of decisions that individually defied logic, and built them upon each other like a house of cards: It eliminated many of the deaths by not considering many towns and locations where massacres occurred. Within the towns that it did consider, it did not account for all the massacres as being part of the pattern, just subsets where it could not find any uncertainty about any given aspect. It focused on the numbers of actually murdered, rather than the stated and demonstrated intent, giving the perpetrators credit for the difficulty of their task and their ineffectiveness and inability to carry it out fully, and credit for not murdering those they could not reach. It imposed an arbitrary and opaque threshold for a number that would be a significant enough part. It considered small towns separately, so that no town by itself would be considered as a significant to all of Bosnia according to that arbitrary threshold. And in the case of Srebrenica, which was known to everybody as symbolic of the whole genocide, and could therefore not be avoided, the court said that its symbolism made it a special case, and used that assertion as a basis to differentiate and separate it from the others, and in turn used that as a basis to dismiss the fundamental similarities in facts that the others shared with Srebrenica.

Murder is an act against an individual, and even mass murder is an act against a series of individuals. Each one has to be proven. But genocide as defined above is different, it is a single collective crime, committed against a group of people, by an organization, a movement adhering to an ideology, or a state. All these massacres occurred in the same war, within a short time span (three years) and in a small country about 300 km from end to end. The perpetrators all followed the same ideology, all were part of forces fighting on the same side, on territory occupied by the "Republic of the Serbs". If genocide is so difficult to establish in a single location, the fact that its pattern is co-occurring in so many other locations nearby is evidence that strengthens the case for them all. The common patterns between Prijedor, Sanski Most, Foca, Kljuc, etc. remove any basis for doubt in the individual towns. Srebrenica also is not a separate event from the other towns. Protection from genocide for members of a targeted group should not stop at a town line, it should extend to all places within the reach of the perpetrators. And the culpability of those perpetrators and their supporters should not be subject to hairsplitting.


2. Skraćeni opis metodologije suda i konzekvence takve metodologije kojom se praktično mijenja definicija genocida

U totalu, internacionalni kriminalni tribunal za bivšu Jugoslaviju (ICTY) je uspio da izbjegne očigledan zaključak da je cijela okupirana teritorija BiH bila izložena genocidu tako što je donio niz odluka koje su svaka za sebe potpuno nelogične, pa je onda od njih napravio kuću od karata. Prvo je isključio iz razmatranja mnoga naselja i lokacije gdje su se masakri događali, i tako odmah na početku izbacio iz razmatranja o genocida mnoga ubistva. Zatim, u opštinama koje jeste razmatrao, sud nije razmatrao mnoge masakre koji su počinjeni, ali nisu mogli biti apsolutno istraženi do zadnjeg detalja. Zatim su se fokusirali samo na brojeve ubijenih, i to brojeve koje su tom metodologijom veoma umanjili, umjesto da su se fokusirali na dokazivanje genocidne namjere, koja je vidljiva sa obzirom na tipičan “modus operandi”. Podsjećamo, po definiciji genocida, dovoljno je bilo dokazati genocidnu namjeru i istrebljenje jednog dijela ciljane grupe, http://preventgenocide.org/law/convention/text.htm

Takvom metodologijom je apsurdno Sud zločincima upisao u kredit i to što su se neke od potencijalnih žrtava spasile bježanjem sa okupirane teritorije, pa nisu ušli u saldo ubijenih. Time je uvedena potpuno proizvoljna i nejasna granica do kojeg broja je dozvoljeno ubijanje neke etničke grupe, a da to ne bude okarakterisano kao genocid. I što je potpuno apsurdno, tom metodologijom je posmatrano DA LI BI BROJ UBIJENIH U SVAKOM GRADU POJEDINAČNO BIO ZNAČAJAN U ODNOSU NA CIJELU BiH, tj. da li je prešao tu proizvoljnu granicu kada se može smatrati genocidom. A u slučaju Srebrenice, koja je poznata po genocidu i za koju nisu mogli izbjeći donošenje presude za genocid, sud je naveo da je narod Srebrenice poseban i simbolizuje sve Bošnjake (valjda zato što je počinjen genocid) i upravo ta posebnost izdvaja od ostalih opština, i tako je Sud isključio iz razmatranja sličnost metodologije provođenja zločina u Srebrenici sa drugim opštinama?! Znači kružna “logika” (circulus viciozus).

Ubistvo je akt protiv individue i čak je masovno ubistvo akt protiv niza individua. Zato svako ubistvo posebno mora biti dokazano. Ali genocid, prema definiciji genocida, je jedinstven zločin počinjen nad kolektivom, na pripadnicima jedne etničke ili religijske grupe, zato što su pripadnici te grupe. I počinjen od strane kolektiva: organizacije ili pokreta koji se napaja jednom ideologijom, ili ga je počinila jedna država. Svi bosanski masakri su počinjeni u istom ratu, u kratkom periodu od tri godine, u maloj državi, oko 300 kilometara dugačkoj s kraja na kraj. Svi izvršioci su slijedili istu ideologiju, svi su pripadali vojnim jedinicama koje su se borile na istoj strani, na teritoriju paradržave koju su formirali i nazvali Republika srpska. Ako je genocid tako teško dokazati u jednoj opštini, činjenica da se identična metodologija (Američki policajci kažu “common pattern” ili “Modus Operandi”, MO) ponavlja u drugim opštinama dokazuje da se radi o jednom zločinačkom poduhvatu u svim opštinama. Zajednički “Modus Operandi” zločinačkog djelovanja u Prijedoru, Sanskom Mostu, Foči, Ključu itd. uklanja svaku sumnju da se radi o genocidu u svim tim gradovima. Postavlja se pitaje, zašto su sudije odlučile da svaku opštinu gledaju kao poseban slučaj, te su tako onemogućili da isti Modus Operandi iz različitih opština bude iskorišten kao moćan dokaz udruženog poduhvata i genocidne namjere? Genocid u Srebrenici također nije odvojen događaj od svih drugih gradova. Zaštita po konvenciji o genocidu se ne može atomizirati po pojedinim gradovima, ona se pruža gdje god bi zločinačka ruka mogla dosegnuti. Odgovornost zločinaca i njihovih simpatizera ne bi smjela biti žrtva ovakvog “cijepanja dlake”, tj. cijepanja jednoga zločina genocida u više manjih zločina da bi se umanjila odgovornost mentora cijelog zločinačkog poduhvata.


3. Sud je profesionalno obavio posao u suđenju Udruženom zločinačkom poduhvatu Herceg-Bosna

Muhamed Borogovac

Kao što je poznato Sud je potvrdio sve kazne šestorki prvaka Herceg-Bosne, implicirajući pri tome i pokojne Franju Tuđmana i Gojka Suška, i što je najvažnije i Republiku Hrvatsku. Za razliku od suđenja Mladiću i Karadžiću, ovaj put Sud potpuno ispravno nije jedan zločinački poduhvat razbio na niz manjih opštinskih zločina. I ne samo to, Sud je potpuno ispravno, baš kao i u Nirenbergu, na jednom suđenju sudio cijeloj garnituri njihove tvorevine Herceg-Bosne, a ne pojedinačno svakom zločincu na posebnom suđenju.

Vrhunac je dostignut kada je Tuđmanov "general" Slobodan Praljak teatralno popio otrov u sudnici. To je višestruko povećalo interes svjetskih medija za šestorku, i za šta su oni osuđeni. Istu noć sam gledao dva američka "World News" programa, ABC od 6:30 i BBC od 7:00. To su nešto kao naši nekadašnji večernji TV dnevnici. Oba su imala velike reportaže o zločinima HVO-a u Bosni, sa snimkama iz Mostara, noćnim slikama protjerivanih civila preko starog mosta, rušenje starog mosta, i svim mukama kojima su Mostarci bili izloženi. Nastupao je i jedan svjedok sa suđenja šestorki, bivši dopisnik BBC-a iz Mostara.

Ukratko, mnogo više prostora je dato ovoj presudi, nego presudi Mladiću, vjerovatno upravo zato što je Praljak na suđenju popio otrov, te je to značajno doprinjelo povećanom interesu svjetske javnosti. Ova presuda nama daje moralnu snagu da nikada ne pristanemo na treći entitet, tj. na vaskrsnuće Herceg-Bosne. Mislim da se nikoji izdajnici više neće usuditi da dignu svoje prljave ruke kojima će glasati za promjene ustava po volji HDZ-a, i da nam više ne mogu lagati u oči i govoriti "Svijet hoće Herceg-Bosnu.", ako ju je taj isti svijet osudio kao zločinački poduhvat.

Zato sada zaista imamo šansu da spasimo BiH i da spasimo Bošnjake od sudbine Palestinaca, a ta sudbina bi nas snašla ako ikada bude osnovan treći entitet u bilo kojoj formi. Pri tome se ne smijemo okliznuti ni na drugoj strani, moramo zaustaviti naše izdajnike i u njihovim dogovorima sa Srbijom, prije svega ne smijemo dozvoliti da se pregovara o granicama BiH, jer jednom kada se otvore granice BiH za pregovore, onda se to neće zaustaviti na "manjim korekcijama" kako nam to sada prodaju.

Nikada nam se više ne smije dogoditi da povjerujemo glumi jednog Bakira Izetbegovića. I on je kao i njegov otac izuzetno dobar glumac. Na primjer, čak sam i ja bio sklon da povjerujem da on istinski želi reviziju presude za genocid BiH protiv Srbije na Internacionalnom sudu pravde (ICJ) kako je veoma dobro obrazlagao zahtjev za revizijom u "svađama" sa Ivanićem. Tek kasnije smo od Nevenke Tromp i Jefrey-a Nice-a saznali da je on javio agentu BiH, jedinom čovjeku iz BiH sa ovlaštenom da komunicira sa Internacionalnim sudom pravde, da preda Ivanićevo pismo Sudu. Time je Ivanićevom pismu data snaga usaglašenog državnog dokumenta, te je to bio kraj procesa početog 1992 od strane Prof Boylea. Za novi proces je trebalo dobiti saglasnost Ivanića i Čovića. Dakle, Izetbegović je propuštanjem Ivanićevog pisma sahranio Reviziju presude za genocid na najvažnijem sudu, a sjetimo se kako se izvanredno argumentovano tukao sa Ivanićem (tj. glumio) za već mrtvu Reviziju, što mi tada nismo znali.


 4. Success of the book "The War in Bosnia: How to Succeed at Genocide"

The book, "The War in Bosnia: How to Succeed at Genocide" by Muhamed Borogovac is the only book in English written by Bosnians about political scheming that enabled the war and genocide in Bosnia and produced the Dayton agreement. In other words, that is the only book about the big picture of the war as seen from the Bosnian perspective. It is a collection of political analyses written during the war and right after the war, by Bosnian intellectuals, insiders, dissidents from the Bosnian government who took part in the division of the country along the ethnic lines.

The renewed interest for Bosnia, due to the November judgements at the ICTY pushed the book on top of the Amazon charts of book about the War in Bosnia.

The book was issued in Bosnian, first time before the end of the war. Because authors predicted the great deal of what will happen in the future, the book became very popular among Bonsians, even though the book was very critical of Bosnian leadership for negotiating with and collaborating with the aggressors. The book owes its success to the fact that its predictions were correct, which indicates that authors understand very well what was really going on in Bosnia, which was very different form the picture presented to the world.

https://www.amazon.com/s/?ie=UTF8&keywords=war+in+bosnia&tag=googhydr-20& index=aps&hvadid=198216555484&hvpos=1o1&hvnetw=g&hvrand=7796928925512672046& amp;hvpone&hvptwo&hvqmt=e&hvdev=c&hvdvcmdl&hvlocint&hvlocphy= 9001947&hvtargid=kwd-314767678500&ref=pd_sl_fglsbhjm9_e 


5. Veliki uspjeh knjige “The War in Bosnia: How to Succeed at Genocide”

Knjiga “The War in Bosnia: How to Succeed at Genocide”, autora Muhameda Borogovca je u posljednjih nekoliko sedmica, zahvaljujući povećanom interesu za BiH uzrokovanom novembarskim presudama Mladiću i Udruženom zločinačkom poduhvatu Herceg-Bosna izbila na prvo mjesto Amazonove liste knjiga o Ratu u BiH. Podsjećamo, tu smo knjigu preveli na Engleski i objavili radi onih mladih Bošnjaka koji su raseljeni prije 25 godina iz domovine i sada bolje govore Engleski nego Bosanski. Želimo da i oni znaju istinu o tome ko je odgovoran da su oni gotovo izgubili svoju domovinu. Gornji link do Amazonove liste knjiga o ratu u BiH, i gornja kratka informacija o knjizi na Engleskom namijenjena upravo onim mladim Bošnjacima kojima je namijenjena i knjiga.

Čitaj 73 vrijeme:
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DECEMBER 3, 2017



OCTOBER 2017



OSCE SUPPLEMENTARY HUMAN DIMENSION MEETING
Access to Justice as a Key Element of the Rule of Law
SIDE EVENT
ACCESS TO JUSTICE FOR THE IDPs IN THE OSCE AREA AND ITS
IMPACT ON CONFLICT RESOLUTION
Date and Time
: 16 November 2017, 13:30-14:45
Venue
: Room 532, Hofburg, Vienna (5th floor)
Convenor:
Permanent Mission
Working language:
English

Snacks and refreshments will be served in Ratsaal Foier at 13:00 before the event

Panelists:
Discussion moderated by:

Prof. Anis H. BAJREKTAREVIC
Prof. and Chair for Intl. Law & Global Political Studies, Editor of the GHIR
(the New York Addleton Academic Publishers’ specialized Magazine for Geopolitics, History and Intl. Relations)

Dr. Gabriel LANSKY
Attorney at Law, Partner at Lansky, Ganzger and Partner
Special Agent at the European Court of Human Rights
(name tbc)
Regional Expert
(name tbc)

Read more on the next page:.........

October 31, 2017



Long story of Kurz: ‘Austria You will be Macronised’

Max Hess

“There is a claim constantly circulating the EU: ‘multiculturalism is dead in Europe’. Dead or maybe d(r)ead?... That much comes from a cluster of European nation-states that love to romanticize – in a grand metanarrative of dogmatic universalism – their appearance as of the coherent Union, as if they themselves lived a long, cordial and credible history of multiculturalism. Hence, this claim and its resonating debate is of course false. It is also cynical because it is purposely deceiving. No wonder, as the conglomerate of nation-states/EU has silently handed over one of its most important debates – that of European anti-fascistic identity, or otherness – to the wing-parties. This was repeatedly followed by the selective and contra-productive foreign policy actions of the Union in the MENA, Balkans and Ukraine.” – wrote prof. Anis H. Bajrektarevic in his luminary and farsighted essay Denazification – urgently needed in Europe .

Last two parliamentary elections in Central Europe are indicative enough: Europe inevitably loses its grip over the grand narrative, fatherly eroding its place in history. Hereby a few lines about the latest of them.


Sebastian Kurz, 31, is likely to become Austria’s new Chancellor following the 15 October election. He would be the youngest-ever head of government in the European Union and to many of his supporters will be seen as a bold new face ready to lead Europe through and past the ongoing crises over migration, integration, fiscal authority, and identity that have dominated European politics, within and without the EU, in recent years. A new leader of Europe’s populist right is likely on the horizon, yet he has received little international attention compared with candidates such as Marine Le Pen or Nigel Farage who were always long shots.

Kurz’s Rise – Aus Iuridicum

Rapidly rising through the youth wing of the Austrian People’s Party (ÖVP), Kurz was elected its head in 2009 and then promoted directly into the party’s upper echelon in 2011 when he was named to the newly-created post of state secretary for integration at age 24.

From the earliest days, Kurz embraced a populist right-wing worldview although he initially steadfastly avoided divisive rhetoric that could have derailed his rise. Kurz used his post as state secretary to publicize these ideas, while also astutely employing the leeway afforded by his youth to take positions deviating from the ÖVP platform.

In 2013 Kurz was elected to the national legislature, also winning the most direct ‘preference votes’ of any candidate and a third more than the ÖVP’s then-head Michael Spindelegger. The ÖVP received less overall votes than the Social Democrats (SPÖ) and again went into government as the junior coalition partner. Kurz was rewarded with the second-highest post of any ÖVP leader when he was named foreign minister.

Austrians see themselves both as core members of the ‘West’ but also as traditionalists and the inheritors of a unique culture. The historic heft of the former Austro-Hungarian Empire, a separateness from Germans and Germany that was cemented by the divides caused by the Enlightenment and birth of Protestantism, and steady decades-long growth in income and living standards all have served to shape an image of Austria and Austrians as reasoned yet traditional, sober yet dandy, and reserved yet welcoming. It is precisely in this image that Kurz has tried to cast himself.

Even Kurz’s critics are quick to acknowledge that from the beginning of his career he had a remarkable ability to gauge the prevailing zeitgeist, all the while grounding himself in the core Austrian conservatism that the ÖVP represents. In contrast to populist politicians who have at best half-convicningly attempted to portray themselves as outsiders, Kurz embraces the fact he has had his sights set on a political career since his youth. Kurz recognized the quickest route to ‘authenticity’ was to never speak the word.

Kurz, the Foreign Minister

As Foreign Minister, Kurz was able to play host and diplomat to Austria’s wide variety of partners. He also judiciously avoided controversy in mainstream international media. On issues where Kurz would perhaps have been more vocal, he accepted his role as a government minister and did not speak out overly loudly when he disagreed with his party’s leaders, while tweaking those of the SPÖ, the senior coalition partner, in a way that did not offend Austrian sensibilities.

Kurz’s four years in the foreign ministry saw a series of regional and political crises, attesting to his political skill. Three months after taking office, Ukrainian oligarch Dmytro Firtash was arrested on a visit to Vienna on the request of US authorities. The arrest came two day’s before Moscow’s controversial referendum in Crimea and struck at the core of domestic politics in Ukraine, where Firtash long played an outsize role. Yet Kurz did not shy from being thrust in the spotlight, in fact he appeared to be hungering for it, with the then-27-year old even offering to mediate Russia and Ukraine’s disputes over Crimea.

Kurz ultimately backed sanctions, sensing the prevailing winds in Europe. However, he was vocal in calling for European business’ interests to be considered even before Italian, Hungarian and Cypriot politicians subsequently took up such positions. The move played well domestically in Austria, where many criticize great power games, perhaps with a slight, albeit unstated view towards the rearview mirror given their fatal role in Austria’s own history. Austria’s Raiffeisen bank also derives most of its profits from Eastern Europe and is the largest foreign player in Russia’s banking market. Russian President Vladimir Putin also travelled to Vienna in June 2014, his first post-Crimea visit to a Western country, with Kurz vocally defending the invite and signing of a controversial pipeline deal at the same time EU and US officials were deliberating sanctions on Russia’s energy sector.

Kurz’s time as foreign minister also coincided with Europe’s migration crisis, which was nearly simultaneous with his push towards the spotlight when he backed the stance of Austria’s eastern and southeastern neighbors even while then-Chancellor Werner Faymann waffled on the issue. By February 2016, Kurz was publicly embracing not only the positions of Warsaw, Budapest, and Ljubljana, but their rhetoric as well. In March 2016, Austria had closed its borders to most asylum seekers. By the end of May of that year, Faymann resigned. He was subsequently replaced by Christian Kern, the current head of the SPÖ.

Kurz took advantage of the weakness of the senior leadership within the SPÖ and his own ÖVP to push his personal agenda and reputation to the fore. Kurz has even sought to use the largely-symbolic rotating chairmanship of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), which Vienna holds for 2017, to promote his political agenda. Kurz was bold enough to broadcast this intention, declaring in an interview with Der Spiegel that he would use the post to push for the lifting of sanctions against Russia. He has also used the platform to again propose he mediate a solution to the conflict in Donbas, even writing an English-language op-ed for Politico on the subject this September. Demonstrating Kurz’s eye for the future, however, a number of senior staff members have left Kurz’s Foreign Ministry since the start of the year, promoted as Austria’s new ambassadors to some of its leading partners. A further major reshuffle is expected after the election, a possible indication that Kurz will continue to cut a prominent figure on the international stage. 

Kurz, the Candidate: Dressed to Impress

A year after Faymann’s resignation, the Kern government collapsed, prompting the elections that will be held on 15 October. The interim period saw the contested and contentious 2016 presidential run-off election, in which the initial result was annulled and the far right Freedom Party’s (FPÖ) Norbert Hofer was narrowly defeated by independent candidate Alexander Van der Bellen. Kurz had refused to endorse either candidate. Yet it was the fact that the run-off featured neither a candidate of the SPÖ nor the ÖVP for the first time that appears to have most shaped Kurz’s current candidacy.

Van der Bellen, an alumnus of Austria’s relatively minor Green Party, was seen by many on the Austrian right as nearly as radical as Hofer. The Austrian presidency is also largely symbolic – although Hofer’s platform included steps that would have been unprecedented by the Austrian executive. As a result, there was little domestic political cost to Kurz remaining neutral.

The lack of an SPÖ or ÖVP candidate in the final round highlighted the shifts underway at the heart of Austrian politics, and the weakness of then-ÖVP leader Reinhold Mitterlehrner, who stepped back in May, enabling Kurz’s ascent.

Kurz, however, attached a number of conditions to the proposal that he lead the ÖVP. The decades-old party fell in line behind Kurz quickly, even agreeing to campaign under the joint branding of ÖVP and ‘Kurz List – the New People’s Party’. Kurz’s image, rhetoric, and bold proclamations on the campaign trail have put the party comfortably in the lead in the polls.

The lead Kurz maintains in the polls has come primarily at the expense of the far-right FPÖ, although incumbent Chancellor Christian Kern has done his party no favors following a series of scandals. Kern’s SPÖ is polling behind the FPÖ in most polls and he has declared that he would prefer to lead the opposition than re-form a coalition with the ÖVP.

Kurz and Kern’s relationship was already poor but the latest scandal around the SPÖ alleges a controversial former election advisor set up social media pages aimed at besmirching Kurz, only dampening the possibility for a renewed coalition. Yet Kurz also knows the difficulties inherent to forming a government with the FPÖ, despite having adopted much of its rhetoric in his own campaign. Such a government could come under some degree of EU censure, as it did the last time the ÖVP and FPÖ formed a government in 2000. The FPÖ then was the larger of the two parties but would undergo a series of splits while in government.

Although the FPÖ of today has long since coalesced under the leadership of Heinz-Christian Strache, it too will be wary of a coalition with the ÖVP, albeit less over concerns of an EU rebuttal than over Kurz continuing to encroach on its political space.

Get Shorty - the Chancellor? the future EU Commission President?

Kurz is likely to become Austria’s most prominent Chancellor on the international stage in decades. His willingness to be outspoken and take on issues far afield from Austria steadily grew during his tenure in the foreign ministry. Beginning with his early proposal to mediate between Moscow and Kyiv towards the end of his term, he was sufficiently confident to publicly endorse incumbent Macedonian Prime Minister Nikola Gruevski ahead of that country’s December 2016 election.

Kurz’s alliances in the Balkans and Eastern Europe are extensive and he was one of the few leading EU politicians outside the region to defend Hungary’s crackdown on migrants and refugees. Kurz’s economic policies are more traditionally liberal than those of the Visegrad Group but are also tinged by his populist bent. Nevertheless, he sees himself as a leading exponent of the same cultural conservatism embraced by leaders such as Viktor Orban or Nigel Farage. He is telegenic and well-spoken and has shown a knack for youth politics, of particularly importance in Austria where the voting age is 16.

On 8 May, France elected Emmanuel Macron as president in a vote that many hailed as a landmark victory for Europe’s centrist establishment. On 15 October, Austria is likely to elect Kurz as its next chancellor, in a vote that the populist right will hail as its own landmark victory.



Max Hess is a senior political risk analyst with the London-based AEK international, specializing in Europe and Eurasia.



October 19, 2017


2017




PUBLICATIONS DECEMBRE 2017


 


   Revisiting Dictatorship: Democracy is Worst Form of Government, Indeed - By Endy Bayuni

  Miscarriage of Justice at the ICTY: Bosnians consider guilty genocide verdict for Mladić incomplete - By Tarik Borogovac, Bosnian Congress USA


PUBLICATIONS OCTOBER, 2017:


  OSCE SUPPLEMENTARY HUMAN DIMENSION MEETING - Clara Lorenz

   Long story of Kurz: 'Austria You will be Macronised' - Max Hess

    Germany that kills itself and Europe - Michael dr. Logies,


PUBLICATIONS SEPTEMBER, 2017:

  Grabar-Kitarović and Vučić on a joint mission to (de)stabilize the region

   Bridge over troubled waters – Growing meritime dispute between Croatia and Bosnia, neglected by the EU - Dr. Enis Omerović and Adil Kulenović



PUBLICATIONS AUGUSTUS, 2017:

   WHAT ARE WE DEALING WITH – TRUMP OR DEMOCRACY - By: Tomislav Jakić


PUBLICATIONS JULY, 2017:

  Europe and Africa – Similarities and difference in Security Structures - Written by Anis Bajrektarevic and Giuliano Luongo

  The Return of Good Policies for Bad Reasons - Populism and Industrial Policy - Amanda Janoo

  Serbia Delivered Srebrenica Refugees to Mladic: Report - Filip Rudic - BIRN-Belgrade

  The Truth and Recon important_news.htmciliation stuggle on the Balkans - Senadin Lavić


  Bosnian Reporter Flees After Condemning Mladic Rally - BIRN - Banja Luka

  REGIONAL SECURITY ARCHITECTURES: COMPARING ASIA AND EUROPE - Insights from Anis Bajrektarevic


PUBLICATIONS JUNE, 2017:

  “We win, they lose” – Wonderful world of Binary categorisations - (Refeudalisation of Europe – III Part) - Anis H. Bajrektarevic

  Sarajevo, Jerusalem of Europe

  Memorandum of Understanding between IFIMES and GBAA

  Paris and Pittsburgh, pesticides in Indonesia: When none is best - Julia Suryakusuma

  COMMON SENSE – A RELIC OF THE PAST? - By: Tomislav Jakic

  The post-Christian West and post-Western World - (Refeudalisation of Europe – II Part) - Anis H. Bajrektarevic


PUBLICATIONS MAY, 2017:

  Zbigniew Brzezinski & the Battle on Post Communism Fascism - By, Ambassador Muhamed Sacirbey

  Post-secular Europe and post-Soviet Russia - Anis H. Bajrektarevic

  The story of a Bosnian woman who lost her entire family to the terror of the 1990s:“I feel like a cut tree. I am neither alive nor dead … There is no justice and there will never be,” - Robert Leonard Rope

  'Schindler List' for Southeast Europe - Pakistanisation as the Final Solution for the Balkans? - Prof. Zlatko Hadžidedić

  Brazil in the short Strikes – the ultimate price of welfare - By Luísa Monteiro



PUBLICATIONS APRIL, 2017:

  Pimp my s/ride - Ms. Elodie Pichon

  SPIRITUALITY AND THE ECONOMY OF CLIMATE CHANGE - Anis H. Bajrektarevic

  Who Needs Dysfunction in the Balkans? - Zlatko Hadžidedić

FATAL SPIRALE OF SENSLESNESS - By: Tomislav Jakic

Neo-religionism of the post ideological Russia (Refeudalisation of Europe – I Part) - Anis Bajrektarevic


PUBLICATIONS MARCH, 2017:

 Saudi king’s “Clash of Civilizations, convergence with Indonesia's hypocrisy and opportunism - by Julia Suryakusuma

The World’s Last Colony: Morocco continues occupation of Western Sahara, in defiance of UN - Nizar Visram

Culture as a binding factor in our society, interview with Camilla Habsburg-Lothringen - By Djoeke Altena


  ALL BREAKING BEDS OF OUR MOST FAVOURED AGGRESSOR - By Elodie Pichon

 National Congress of The Republic of Bosnia-Herzegovina (NCR B&H) - March 2, 2017

 Bosnian precariat, militaristic world images and media cynicism - Senadin Lavić



PUBLICATIONS FEBRUARY, 2017:

 SR15 Caspian Basin.pdf

 THE EMPIRE STRIKES BACK - By: Tomislav Jakić

 Decriminalize Victims, please - Sooyoung Hu

 Big data and the Future of Democracy - by Hannes Grassegger and Mikael Krogerus

 The Malta Plan – a humane EU border and asylum policy is possible - Gerald Knaus


PUBLICATIONS JANUARY, 2017:

 
The Diplomatic Insight JAN 2017.pdf


 La-La-Land of Central Asia Kazakhstan and its “Astana Code of Conduct” - By Samantha Brletich

 Donald Trump, Nuclear Issue and Nuclear War -By:  Markus Wauran

 TRUMP’S TURN - By Tomislav Jakić

 Facing the Trump Presidency – Will the Monroe doctrine finally die? - Nicola Bilotta

 Human Misery monetized - By Aleksandra Krstic

 Jakarta Gubernatorial Election 2017: Who Will Be Eliminated? - By: Igor Dirgantara


 
Battling the Tiger: Combating corruption in the Sino-world - By Lingbo ZHAO

 
A European swamp – corruption and human rights - Gerald Knaus



info@orbus.one
www.orbus.one






Koninkrijk Belgie - Monarchie Belgique










Maasmechelen Village


Maasmechelen Village




Adria




BALKAN AREA
BALKAN AREA




prof. dr. Anis Bajrektarevic
prof. dr. Anis Bajrektarevic

Editor - Geopolitics, History, International Relations (GHIR) Addleton Academic Publishers - New YorK

Senior Advisory board member, geopolitics of energy Canadian energy research institute - ceri, Ottawa/Calgary

Advisory Board Chairman Modern Diplomacy & the md Tomorrow's people platform originator

Head of mission and department head - strategic studies on Asia
Professor and Chairperson Intl. law & global pol. studies



Critical Similarities and Differences in SS of Asia and Europe - Prof. Anis H. Bajrektarevic



MENA Saga and Lady Gaga - (Same dilemma from the MENA) - Anis H. Bajrektarevic



Dr. Nguyen Anh Tuan, Assos. Prof.[1] Nguyen Linh[2]
HE ONGOING PUBLIC DEBT CRISIS IN THE EUROPEAN UNION: IMPACTS ON AND LESSONS FOR VIETNAM - Dr. Nguyen Anh Tuan, Assos. Prof.[1] Nguyen Linh[2]



Carla BAUMER
Climate Change and Re Insurance: The Human Security Issue SC-SEA Prof. Anis Bajrektarevic & Carla Baumer



 
Igor Dirgantara
(Researcher and Lecturer at the Faculty of Social and Politics, University of Jayabaya)




Peny Sotiropoulou

Is the ‘crisis of secularism’ in Western Europe the result of multiculturalism?




Dr. Emanuel L. Paparella
A Modest “Australian” Proposal to Resolve our Geo-Political Problems

Were the Crusades Justified? A Revisiting - Dr. Emanuel L. Paparella




Alisa Fazleeva
Earned an MA in International Relations from the University of East Anglia in Norwich, United Kingdom in 2013. Her research interests include foreign policy decision-making, realism and constructivism, and social psychology and constructivism.



 
Corinna Metz
She is an independent researcher specialized in International Politics and Peace & Conflict Studies with a regional focus on the Balkans and the Middle East.




Patricia Galves Derolle
Founder of Internacionalista
Săo Paulo, Brazil
Brazil – New Age





Dimitra Karantzeni
The political character of Social Media: How do Greek Internet users perceive and use social networks?

 


Michael Akerib
Vice-Rector
SWISS UMEF UNIVERSITY




  
Petra Posega
is a master`s degree student on the University for Criminal justice and Security in Ljubljana. She obtained her bachelor`s degree in Political Science- Defense studies.


Contact: posegap@live.com





Samantha Brletich,
 George Mason University School of Policy, Government, and Intl. Relations She focuses on Russia and Central Asia. Ms. Brletich is an employee of the US Department of Defense.


Interview on HRT-Radio

Prof. dr. Anis Bajrektarević




Dr Filippo ROMEO,



Julia Suryakusuma is the outspoken Indonesian thinker, social-cause fighter and trendsetter. She is the author of Julia’s Jihad.

Contact: jsuryakusuma@gmail.com 




Gerald Knaus




Mads Jacobsen
Mads is an intern at PCRC. Mads Jacobsen is from Denmark and is currently pursuing his Master's degree in 'Development and International Relations' at Aalborg University...




Dzalila Osmanovic-Muharemagic
University of Bihac, Faculty of Education, Department of English Language and Literature - undergraduate
University of Banja Luka, Faculty of Philology, Department of English Language and Literature - graduate study




Rakesh Krishnan Simha

New Zealand-based journalist and foreign affairs analyst. According to him, he writes on stuff the media distorts, misses or ignores.

Rakesh started his career in 1995 with New Delhi-based Business World magazine, and later worked in a string of positions at other leading media houses such as India Today, Hindustan Times, Business Standard and the Financial Express, where he was the news editor.

He is the Senior Advisory Board member of one of the fastest growing Europe’s foreign policy platforms: Modern Diplomacy.





Damiel Scalea
Daniele Scalea, geopolitical analyst, is Director-general of IsAG (Rome Institute of Geopolitics) and Ph.D. Candidate in Political studies at the Sapienza University, Rome. Author of three books, is frequent contributor and columnist to various Tv-channels and newspapers. E-mail: daniele.scalea@gmail.com




Alessio Stilo,
 
Research Associate at Institute of High Studies in Geopolitics and Auxiliary Sciences (IsAG), Rome, Italy, and Ph.D. researcher at University of Padova, is IMN Country Representative in Italy.




Tomislav Jakić
Foreign Policy Advisor to former Croatian President Stjepan Mesić





Zlatko Hadžidedić

Graduate of the London School of Economics, prof. Zlatko Hadžidedić is a prominent thinker, prolific author of numerous books, and indispensable political figure of the former Yugoslav socio-political space in 1990s, 2000s and 2010s.




Mr. Nicola Bilotta
Nicola Bilotta has a BA and a MA in History from Universitŕ degli Studi di Milano and a MSc in Economic History from the London School of Economics. He works as a Global Finance Research Assistant at The Banker (Financial Times) and collaborates as an external researcher at ISAG (Istituto di Alti Studi di Geopolitica e Scienze Ausiliari) N_bilotta@lse.ac.uk




Markus Wauran

Date and Place of Birth: April 22, 1943 – Amurang, North Sulawesi, IndonesiaEducation: Bachelor in Public Administration.
Writer was a member of the House of Representatives of Indonesia (DPR/MPR-RI) period of 1987-1999, and Chairman of Committee X, cover Science and Technology, Environment and National Development Planning (1988-1997).
Currently as Obsever of Nuclear for peace
.




Sooyoung Hu

Attached to the US-based Berkeley University, Sooyoung Hu is a scholar at its Political Science and Peace and Conflict Studies Department. Miss Hu focuses on international relations, international organizations and its instruments.




Senahid LAVIĆ





Nizar Visram
 Nizar Visram is a Ottawa-based free-lance writer from Zanzibar, Tanzania. Recently retired Senior lecturer on Development studies, he extensively publishes in over 50 countries on 4 continents. He can be reached at
nizar1941(at)gmail.com .




Robert Leonard Rope
He studied at the University of Michigan,
He lives in: San Francisco, California: San Francisco, California, USA




Dragan Bursac,
Journalist




Dr. Enis OMEROVIĆ




Max Hess
Max Hess is a senior political risk analyst with the London-based AEK international, specializing in Europe and Eurasia.




Endy Bayuni

The writer, editor-in-chief of The Jakarta Post, took part in the Bali Civil Society and Media Forum, organized by the Institute for Peace and Democracy and the Press Council, on Dec.5-6.